Latin America After the Neoliberal Debacle: Another Region is Possible (Volume 2) - Political Science & Latin American Studies Book for Academics & Researchers

Dello Buono and De la Barra's collaborative work focuses on the negative implications neoliberal reforms maintained for Latin America's political and economic development in the 20th century and forward. As evidenced in the title, Dello Buono and De la Barra argue that such negative implications are not necessarily the fault of victimized countries, but rather that the types of reforms elicited by international organizations and the fund-baring West were inconducive to Latin America's social, political, and economic foundations. The publication provides an overview of the effects of neoliberalism and the civil and political actions which arose in protest, providing suggestions for the creation of a "new" Latin America capable of asserting and furthering their interest in an increasingly international and unidimensional economic sphere.Dello Buono and De la Barra state the neoliberalism consolidated quickly as the "reshuffling of domestic elites left the local allies of foreign finance capital in the driver's seat" (Dello Buono and De la Barra, 9). The implementation and consolidation of neoliberalism created "its own particular mythology concerning the distribution of wealth, reviving the discredited notion that capitalism is self-correcting and evolves toward greater equality" (9). Rather than fulfilling this myth, the Washington Consensus allowed wealthy countries to capitalize on Latin America's cheap and abundant raw materials, deepening Western hegemony over the region's emerging economies. Neoliberalism also served to expropriate national states from economic decision making, placing it in the hands of supranational institutions and big business, destroying the environment through unregulated exploitation of natural resources. The historic political corruption and economic mismanagement endemic to Latin America at the time of neoliberal reform served to further the interests of elites, increase social and economic inequalities, and push college-educated citizens to seek employment in more developed countries. The text embodies this series of negative economic, social, and environmental consequences as the "triple debt of neoliberalism," calling for an "alternative development model based on cooperation, solidarity, and ecological conservation" (47).Latin America's response to the triple debt of neoliberalism came into fruition through the region's historically active civil society. Movements such as the Landless People's Movement and the Bolivian Workers Confederation helped encourage resistance against governments which acquiesced to international interests and neglected the needs of their citizens. Protest also arose from some Latin American governments; the text discusses the constitutional changes Ecuador incurred in 2007 which rejected any Free Trade Agreements with the United States. In Venezuela, Chavez's socialist-driven privatization and welfare reforms have promoted those most affected by neoliberalism's aftermath (i.e. unemployment, job loss in the agricultural and industrial sectors) at the expense of the middle class and international investors.Like most contemporary international scholars, Dello Buono and De la Barra do not assert that such negative implications are attributed to an inherent distaste for democracy in Latin America; the text cites a Latinobarometro statistic which claims that in 2005, more than 60 percent of 18 countries surveyed believed electing government leaders by popular vote an important mechanism for future change. Rather, reforms in traditional international lending policies, such as debt forgiveness and debt illegitimacy, must be reformed to advantage those countries repaying neoliberalism's triple debt. Dello Buono and De la Barra promote regional integration schemes such as ALBA, developed by Hugo Chavez to promote the economic cooperation and development of Latin American countries such as Cuba and Bolivia. Conclusively, countries in Latin America must ensure that participatory democracy permeates society and effective adjudicates the interests of the public.- Sarah Ann Knotts, Student of R.A. Dello Buono